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Hard Brexit Good Friday Agreement

The cross-border part of the agreement includes 12 areas of cooperation controlled by the North-South Council of Ministers (NSMC). There is no explicit obligation to never harden the border, and there is nothing on customs or regulatory controls. No no. The Good Friday agreement was included in some of the Article 50 disputes, including the Gina Miller case, but the issue of a hard border was not addressed. Under the withdrawal agreement, Northern Ireland has a different customs and regulatory regime than the rest of the UK, unless a free trade agreement removes disputes. This condition is due to the need to avoid the re-establishment of a hard land border that would sabotage the Good Friday agreement. Given that Johnson`s preferred Brexit model takes Britain out of the internal market and customs union, the legal requirement for a border in the Irish Sea comes into force. This is something that the UNITED Kingdom has decided for itself. For the Morning Star (CPB), the real villain who wants a hard border is the European Commission – “Brussels wants an Irish border” (18 November 17). As stated here, it agrees with its thinkers (IPC, see below). That is, Ireland should be united and excluded from the EU.

Much like TUAEU, “Irexit” is the solution. 8 Hayward, K., All simple solutions for the Irish border after Brexit do not recognise complex realities, 21 September 2018, ukandeu.ac.uk/all-simple-solutions-to-the-post-brexit-irish-border-fail-to-acknowledge-complex-realities/. The author was an economic adviser to French Prime Minister Michel Rocard in 1998, when Rocard negotiated an agreement to restore civil peace in New Caledonia, in the Southwest Pacific. In September 2016, Uk Brexit Minister David Davis said the UK government would not seek to return to a hard border between the UK and the Republic of Ireland. [19] As part of the agreement with May, the DUP agreed to “fully” meet its commitments in the Good Friday Agreement, but the agreement does not contain benchmarks for assistance. Brexit itself and any possible weakening for Northern Ireland have largely polarized along identity lines and there is little room for pragmatic amicable solutions.